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Product details
File Size: 5871 KB
Print Length: 433 pages
Publisher: Regan Arts.; Updated, Revised edition (April 12, 2016)
Publication Date: April 12, 2016
Sold by: Simon & Schuster Digital Sales Inc.
Language: English
ASIN: B01DJED9QA
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I agree with the other reviewers that this is very a interesting history of how ISIS developed and the role it has played in the Iraqi and Syrian wars. (The section on the Syrian war is downright Byzantine.) The reason I dropped one star is that this is really a piece of journalism, such as a multi-part New Yorker article, published separately with covers and rushed to print to meet a current need.The book is filled with names of people and organizations which unless you are a Middle East specialist don't easily register with Americans. Most organizations are given a set of initials on first mention; after that they are referred to by those initials. As there is neither a table of these abbreviations nor an index, reading this can be a struggle. Because of this problem, I recommend the Kindle version with its search function over the paperback I read.At least one general map of the region would have been very helpful in following the text. I chose not to carry around an atlas as I read this book.And finally, I would have liked more information on the actual structure of the organization and how it operates. But, perhaps that is beyond our current state of knowledge. As it is, the book is very useful in dispelling the idea that ISIS is run by Jihadi John and his ilk--or least, so I hope.
This book is definitely interesting, but also flawed. By reading it I found out about some courageous Syrian activists, like the lady that kept protesting in front of the ISIS headquarters, or the activists in al-Bab and Kafranbel (sadly, even by the time the book was out, they had all left Syria). It also points to other brave reporters, some of the interesting stuff coming from their writing - Martin Chulov from the Guardian, Anthony Shadid, Christoph Reuter etc. It also explains a bit the background of Al-Qaeda in Iraq, then ISI, then ISIL/ISIS etc.Now for the flaws: the book's bias is much too obvious. From reading the book, you'd think most of the blame for the rise of an essentially extremist Sunni sect lies with a Shia regime (Iran) and a secular, non-Sunni one (Syria). Salafism-spreading "charities" from the Gulf only get a passing note, when talking about the proselytizing done on Kurds from Halabja. Gulf monarchies are hardly ever mentioned, and their support is seen as coming only from the Syrian diaspora living there. This is at least weird - you have Biden and Hillary Clinton on record talking about how angry they are at Qatar and Saudi Arabia for supporting extremists in Syria - see Patrick Cockburn's book on ISIS for that.Robert Fisk wrote about the Lebanese Civil War that it had no good guys - they were all bad guys. It helps to keep that in mind when covering a civil war, and it helps your credibility if you don't have a special bias against one of the actors. The aforementioned Cockburn book did a much better job at explaining the missteps of both Sunni and Shia.Also, the book is sometimes uneven; for example, the interesting quote of an al-Nusra guy via Christoph Reuter saying that "they just picked the cool name and with that they get money from the Gulf" doesn't get a too deep analysis; is it that you have gangs in Syria just picking whatever name suits them just to get funds? Who are the guys from the Gulf? Also, even if they've interviewed ISIS people, they don't seem to have reached anybody important (unlike Chulov, or Reuter with the Haji Bakr files). There's definitely more interesting stuff on ISIS available elsewhere, though this book gives a few pointers.
In ISIS: Inside the Army of Terror Michael Weiss and Hassan Hassan provide important and fascinating insights into the development of ISIS, many of its leaders, and its mass appeal to certain Sunni population groups. The book also raises some hard to substantiate issues about the potential roles of the Iranian and Syrian governments in assisting Sunni Islamic extremists combating U. S. forces in the period soon after the 2003 invasion and occupation of Iraq.The authors note from the outset that Egyptian Ayman Al-Zawahiri of Al-Qaeda emphasized attacking the United States and other powerful non-Islamic states that opposed Islamic fundamentalist extremists and provided underlying support for what he viewed as corrupt governments in Islamic countries. Weiss and Hassan point out that in contrast Jordanian born Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who played a major role in organizing Al Qaeda in Iraq (which eventually evolved into ISIS), believed that his targets should include those he considered proximate unbelievers including the Shia and non-fundamentalist Sunni political leaders and their supporters backed by the U.S. Weiss and Hassan suggest that multiple factors contributed to the creation and growth of ISIS including the Bush administration’s invasion of Iraq in 2003, the anti-Baathist campaign and the dissolution of the Iraqi armed forces that resulted in mass unemployment of skilled military personnel many of whom later joined ISIS, the partisan Shia Maliki government’s policies that enraged and alienated many Iraqi Sunnis, and the lack of an effective military deterrent to the rise of ISIS. The authors suggest that in some areas plagued by lawlessness and corrupt local leaders, many people welcomed or at least tolerated ISIS because of its re-establishment of a type of stability and order, even if accompanied by brutal methods.As noted above, one of the areas that may be less satisfying in the book is the implication that the Syrian government and the Iranian government both at least temporarily supported Sunni extremists’ activities in Iraq following the March 2003 invasion. It seems more plausible that in Syria in particular certain persons believed to be attempting to resist foreign occupation were allowed to cross into Iraq. The authors’ sources in some cases may have imputed knowledge of the nature of the Sunni extremist threat to Syrian and Iranian government officials back in the first few years after the U.S. led invasion of Iraq that Western intelligence agencies have only recently come to grasp. In other words, Syrians or Iranians in the chaotic period right after the invasion may have believed they were assisting Baathist resistance to the invasion rather than Sunni Salafists who would later turn on them as well as Western forces.Another element that might have been developed further in the book would have been an analysis of how the overall network of elite political, wealth and security interests in the Middle East and North Africa have inhibited democratic forces and provided an opening for a fanatical movement like ISIS. With popular perception that there is no other feasible way to counter what many see as a corrupt multinational system, ISIS has likely had some appeal as at least one option to in some way challenge the status quo. The international context may also help explain ISIS's staying power.
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